Sunday, January 24, 2010

They closed their eyes to brutality, coercion, and state-sponsored terror

Engaging biographies of 20th Century European Intellectuals, May 13, 2002
Mark Lilla's book aims to be both a collection of biographical sketches of influential European intellectuals of the 20th Century and a study of the disastrous attraction political power can have on on the minds of philosophers. In six chapters, each running 30-40 pages, Lilla casts the lives of Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Alexandre Kojeve, Walter Benjamin, Carl Schmitt, and Martin Heidegger. Each of these thinkers, according to Lilla, at some point in their intellectual life, went astray turning from the well lit path of reason and taking up the route of "philotyranny".
Lilla's book succeeds most in giving us concise, well researched, and engagingly told stories of the thinking lives of these European intellectuals. His gift for biographical narrative rivals the best profiles of the New Yorker. But Lilla succeeds less well at demonstrating the habits of thought that attract certain intellectuals to politics or making the case for the necessarily disastrous consequences of mixing political power with philosophical thinking. Nevertheless, perhaps precisely because these biographical narratives are told with Lilla's one-sided but engaging tale of "recklessness", his book serves as a good introduction to readers familiar with the names of these revered European intellectuals who have been put off by the often ponderous (and prodigious) prose describing their work.
Lastly, haunting this text, but unfortunately never stepping forward as subject, is the ghost of Leo Strauss. He makes appearances in almost every chapter, as commentator or interlocutor, but the reader never benefits from Lilla's "open" and "clear" descriptive style in order to learn of this other important European emigre whose life and work parallels so many of Lilla's subjects. For an American writer ensconced at the University of Chicago, to avoid an exoteric treatment of the tutor of so many American public intellectuals (from Allan Bloom, Harry Jaffa, Joseph Cropsey, to Clarence Thomas, William Bennett and Irving Kristol) seems to deprive us of a fuller account of the attraction of intellectuals to public life. ~ J. D. Petersen Comment Comment | Permalink


Deep Thinkers in Trouble: Lilla's Lightweight Account,August 10, 2002 By Bill Corporandy (Yuba City, CA) - See all my reviews This review is from: The Reckless Mind: Intellectuals in Politics (Hardcover)
Lilla's account of various philosophers and their disastrous forays into the world of politics is interesting but rather unfocused and often superficial. I enjoyed his opening chapter of the relationships between Jaspers, Heidegger, and Arendt. I gained some insight into how an intelligent Jewish woman like Arendt could have fallen in love with Nazi apologist Heidegger. I remain somewhat baffled by Heidegger's love affair with Nazism except that his philosophical speculations were so abstract that they seem to have become attenuated from a realistic asssessment of politics in the real world. The next chapter on Nazi supporter Carl Schmitt was also interesting. His theologically inspired but militantly unsentimental critique of liberalism as an unrealistic vision in a harsh Hobbesian world of power politics has since gained the attention of leftist thinkers. (Schmitt first came to my attention in the early 1980s when his name began to be frequently mentioned in Telos, a leftist periodical that was in transition to a more conservative political outlook.) 
Lilla's chapter on Walter Benjamin fails to capture the complexity and originality of his thought. Chapter 4 concerns Alexandre Kojeve, the least well known of the theorists featured in Lilla's book, an apologist for Stalin who reintroduced Hegel into philosophical and political discussion. Lilla does not succeed in informing us of any new ideas that Kojeve contributed yet tells us that many more prominent thinkers made extravagant claims about his absolutely extraordinary importance and influence. Lilla's chapter on the notoriously irresponsible and popular Michel Foucault is a bit more informative and interesting but again somewhat superficial, especially compared to the excellent biography of Foucault by James Miller. The chapter on Derrida gives us some idea of the unreliability of deconstructionism as a tool of analysis. Its American appeal is explained by the fact that both democracy and deconstruction have the tendency to decenter reality. Lilla does succeed in showing us that Derrida's utopian wishful thinking relies on dark and irrational notions that ultimately are incompatible with a just and democratic society. 
The last chapter is strange--it is meant to be a summing up of the previous chapters through a discussion of the insights of Plato and a warning about the temptations of Dionysian totalitarianism. It seems to me that totalitarianism can also be Appollonian to use Nietzsche's terminology. Despite some interesting observations and comparisons, this final chapter is generally too abstract and mundane to offer much insight into contemporary philosophy's problematic relationship with politics.
I would recommend the following books on the same subject as a better investment of time: Three Intellectuals in Politics--James Joll; The Betrayal of The Intellectuals-Julien Benda (one of the earliest modern discussions of the problem--but overly conservative in that it seems to disapprove of the relationship of politics and philosophy altogether.); The Burden of Responsibility-Tony Judt, a scathing account of French intellectual subservience to Soviet Communism that makes Lilla's book seem very bland in comparison. Recent books by Russell Jacoby and Todd Gitlin (whose titles I have forgotten) offer a corrective view to Benda in which they bemoan the decline of public intellectuals and reassert the need for their ethical and progressive involvement in politics. Comment Comments (2) | Permalink



Saturday, January 23, 2010

Open money is a means of exchange freely available to all

References
Castells, Manuel The internet galaxy, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001.
Cook, Chris ‘Asset-based finance – a capital idea’, Open Capital, September 2005, http://www.opencapital.net/papers/asset-based.htm.
Dodd, Nigel ‘Reinventing monies in Europe’, Economy and Society, 34 (4), 2005.
Greco, Thomas Money: understanding and creating alternatives to legal tender, Burlington VT, Chelsea Green, 2001.
The End of Money and the Future of Civilization, Burlington VT, Cherlsea Green, 2009.
Hart, Keith ‘Heads or tails? Two sides of the coin’, Man, December, 1986.
Money in an unequal world: Keith Hart and his memory bank, New York and London, Texere, 2001 (first published as The memory bank, London, Profile, 2000).
A tale of two currencies’, Anthropology Today, 18(1), 2002.
Organic trade: towards a global green currency?’, Ecology & Farming, June-August 2004.
The hit man’s dilemma: or business, personal and impersonal, Chicago, Prickly Paradigm, 2005.
Hart, Keith and Gillian Munro ‘The Highland problem’: state and community in local development, Aberdeen, Arkleton Research Papers, No. 1, 2000.
Karatani, Kojin Transcritique: on Kant and Marx, Cambridge MA, MIT Press, 2003.
Kelly, Kevin New rules for the new economy, New York, Penguin, 1998.
Keynes, Maynard Essays in persuasion, New York, Norton, 1991 [1931].
Lietaer, Bernard The future of money: a new way to create wealth, work and a wiser world, London, Random House, 2001.
Locke, John Two treatises of government, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1960 [1690].
Malinowski, Bronislaw Argonauts of the Western Pacific, London, Dutton, 1922.
Marx, Karl ‘The fetishism of commodities and the secret thereof’, Capital Volume 1, London, Lawrence and Wishart, 1979 [1867]: 71-83.
Marx, Karl and Friedrich Engels Manifesto of the communist party, 1848, http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/.
Mauss, Marcel ‘Essai sur le don’, Sociologie et anthropologie, Paris, PUF,1950 [1925].
Morris, William and E. Belfort Bax Socialism: its growth and outcome, chapter 13 ‘The utopists: Owen, Saint-Simon and Fourier’, New York, Charles Scribner, 1899 [1886]; see http://www.marxists.org/archive/morris/works/1886/sru/ch13.htm.
Nishibe, Makoto ‘The theory of labour money: implications of Marx’s critique for the Local Exchange Trading System (LETS)’, in Hiroshi Uchida Editor, Marx for the 21st Century, London, Routledge, 2005: 89-105.
Servet, Jean-Michel Une économie sans argent: les systèmes d’échange local, Paris, Seuil, 1999.
Smith, Adam Lectures on rhetoric and belles lettres (Volume 4 of the Glasgow Edition of the Works and Correspondence), 1762, http://oll.libertyfund.org/ToC/0141-05.php.


Modern man sees with one eye of faith and one eye of reason

Karl Lowith (Author) Editorial Reviews - Product Description
Modern man sees with one eye of faith and one eye of reason. Consequently, his view of history is confused. For centuries, the history of the Western world has been viewed from the Christian or classical standpoint—from a deep faith in the Kingdom of God or a belief in recurrent and eternal life-cycles. The modern mind, however, is neither Christian nor pagan—and its interpretations of history are Christian in derivation and anti-Christian in result. To develop this theory, Karl Löwith—beginning with the more accessible philosophies of history in the nineteenth and eighteenth centuries and working back to the Bible—analyzes the writings of outstanding historians both in antiquity and in Christian times. "A book of distinction and great importance. . . . The author is a master of philosophical interpretation, and each of his terse and substantial chapters has the balance of a work of art."—Helmut Kuhn, Journal of Philosophy 
About the Author - Karl Löwith (1897-1973) was professor of philosophy at Heidelberg University, Germany

An introduction to the philosophy of HistoryAugust 29, 2001 By      "moredean" (Atlanta, GA) - See all my reviews
Prof. Lowith's work provides a wonderful introduction into the philosophy of History. Beginning in contemporary times with Jakob Burkhardt and working back to the beginning of the current era with the Bible - and including Marx, Hegel, Vico, and Augustine (among others) - Lowith argues that the immanentization of the historical world, giving meaning to history, in short, the philosophy of history originated with the Judeo-Christian eschatological framework: the salvation man sought at the end of life through faith in God and Christ is placed instead at the End of History, when humanity, as a whole, will reach a sort of "perfection" (an anti-Christian belief in my opinion).
Each thinker's approach to the understanding of history is explained, as well as his conception of the End of History. Whether you agree with Prof. Lowtih's main thesis-that the philosophy of history originates in Judeo-Chrisitian eschatology-or not, this work will be enlightening to anyone interested in the philosophy of history, theology, the history of Western philosophy, historicism, or just history in general.



Thursday, January 21, 2010

Indira Gandhi's bold move to nationalise 14 banks in 1969

from The Big Picture by T T Ram Mohan

This post may seem outrageously titled. Indira Gandhi as reformer? People will be shocked at the suggestion, they may even fall off their chairs at the suggestion. That is because in the era of liberalisation, we hav been brought up on a fairy-tale story of Indian economic policy.

In brief, the tale runs as follows. There are two phases. The first, evil phase inaugurated by Nehru and accentuated by Indira Gandhi ran from independence up to 1991. The economy was ruined by socialistic policies. Then, in 1991, under Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh, the nation woke up. We had reforms. As a result, we are on to a wave of prosperity.

Now, this sort of thing may be popular in the media but it is not something that is borne out by academic research. Academics locate the breakthrough in economic growth in the mid-eighties and even the mid-seventies.

That is a long story. But one thing can be said with confidence. Indira Gandhi's bold move to nationalise 14 banks in 1969 helped push up the savings and investment rates and caused economic growth to accelerate from the Hindu rate of 3.5% to 5.5-6% in the eighties. This was no mean achievement considering the enormous literature on stagnation in growth in the seventies.


So, the idea that Indira Gandhi, in her own way, was an architect of reforms is not as outrageous as it sounds, as I argue in my ET column, Indira Gandhi the reformer.

Rise of the internet and the emergence of China, India and Brazil


The Haitian disaster has boosted Naomi Klein’s theory of ‘disaster capitalism‘. In an article entitled Disaster capitalism headed for Haiti, Stephen Lendman provides a summary of Klein’s argument and a trenchant account of recent events in Haiti as a powerful reinforcement of her central thesis, featuring American imperialism at its worst. […]

In retrospect, the peoples of the world made remarkable gains in freedom and equality after 1945, when they rejected the society that had given them two world wars and the Great Depression. This involved not only the formation of industrial states committed to democratic provision of employment, education, health and transport, but the dismantling of European empire by an anti-colonial revolution, first in Asia, then in Africa. The Cold War, in its own way, was a counter-revolution against all that, and in Afghanistan, Nicaragua and Southern Africa it took the form of dirty wars (precursors of the ‘war on terror’) long after Friedman’s experiments in free market dictatorship had been launched. A second revolution came with the collapse of the Soviet Union and apartheid in the early 90s, a much reduced nuclear threat, the rise of the internet and the emergence of China, India and Brazil as economic powers. This wave of liberation soon provoked the reassertion of state power after September 11th and a new frenzy of illicit accumulation, not least in Iraq. [...]

The twentieth century saw two world revolutions in this sense: the Russian revolution and the anti-colonial revolution that overthrew European empire after the Second World War. Did you know that over twenty countries sent armies to subvert Russia’s revolution or how the ensuing war shaped that country’s development under Stalin? We know vaguely that the anti-colonial revolution was subverted in much of Africa, the Middle East, the Caribbean and the Pacific (Latin America’s history operates on a different timescale), while much of Asia used it eventually to instal successful variants of capitalism. Haiti combines elements of both these twentieth-century revolutions with results that are as tragic as in the East Congo, but for much longer.

My point is that social or cultural anthropology is just as impotent as right-wing American journalism when searching for answers to the questions posed by this history, without even the excuse of trying to justify the status quo. This is because fieldwork-based ethnography threw out world history a century ago. Until we combine the two systematically, we will be powerless in the face of the Haitian disaster and could be said to be partly responsible for maintaining public ignorance of its causes.

In the meantime, anthropologists can sign up for Naomi Klein’s shock doctrine of disaster capitalism. She does not require them to know world history or even Haiti’s history. Her attitude feels right to people who probably entered the discipline because they were already alienated from capitalism as a system. Above all, her analysis does not articulate an intellectual or political program that would compel them to change their established ways. Like the ‘radical’ literati who endorse her books, anthropologists can continue to practice their (more poorly paid, even precarious) profession within a coocoon of vague political disaffection that holds out no promise of more effective understanding, even less of appropriate collective action.

Growing Up Is Hard to Do by Brad Johnson

As recently discussed in a brilliant essay by Naomi Klein in the Guardian, that so many people bought into the Obama “brand” is not as significant as the content of this brand’s marketing strategy. It both fed and fed off of a desire for a different political reality. That so many articulations of what this “difference” might look like were vague and/or contradictory is, I should think, rather the point. As a culture, our powers of evaluation are sorely diminished. As we discussed w/r/t to Theology of Money, the privilege, by and large, has been sold to those whose sole criteria is profit. But a glimmer of this evaluative capacity remains, in fits & starts, and the result is a gasping and a groping, in such a way that appears at turns naive and childish, but also desperate and beaten.

In short, then, it is not the responsibility of the disappointed merely to grow up. More precisely, I should think it is a matter of what they are growing into. If growing up means merely reasoned political pragmatism, then I fear for what the future brings. If it means, however, the disenfranchised become capable of making their demands and expectations effective — that is, of being able to discern the various shades and scales of a leadership’s failure, and responding in such a way that is neither wholly complicitous with its failure or at odds with its professed aspirations — then by all means, let’s grow up, but never shut up.