Gandhi was loathe to give up power, and unlike Sri Aurobindo, remained a politician to the last

Gandhi-Enigma By N S Rajaram
INTRODUCTION PROLOGUE PART I PART II APPENDIX I APPENDIX II APPENDIX III INTRODUCTION: ‘A fable agreed upon’ History in the service of the Party
"What is history" Napoleon once asked, "but a fable agreed upon?" This is as true of Indian history as of Europe. A historical fable is usually concocted to serve the interests of a favored few.

In India after independence in 1947, history was made to serve the beneficiaries of the Congress Party that came to power — of a political dynasty in particular. (Ancient and medieval history was also distorted, but that is not the concern here.) Of immediate interest to the Congress Party was the creation and propagation of a version of history of the Freedom Movement in which the role of the Congress Party and its leaders was made all important, while the contributions of others were minimized. As part of this, some figures like Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, who gave everything while getting nothing in return were vilified and even persecuted.
But even here, in the exaltation of the Congress, one can discern a distinct pattern. It was not the Congress as a whole that was exalted, but the leadership and the movement following the rise of Mahatma Gandhi, coinciding roughly with the death of Bal Gangadhar Tilak. This prominently included the Nehru clan and equally prominently excluded earlier stalwarts like Sri Aurobindo and later rivals like Subhash Bose. The Nehru clan, which came to hold power for nearly forty of the first fifty years in independent India, acquired Gandhi’s name also through the fortuitous circumstance of Jawaharlal Nehru’s daughter Indira marrying a Zoroastrian by name Feroze Gandhi who had nothing to do with the Mahatma. Through another fortuitous marriage, this legacy — and name — is now wielded by the staunchly Catholic Italian woman Sonia Maino with close ties to her Mother Church. So the Congress party, which sprang from the Hindu Renaissance of the nineteenth century, is now for all practical purposes in the hands of a Catholic clique.
This extraordinary turn of history demands serious study, particularly how Gandhi’s name and his ‘legacy’ came to be invoked in this venal exercise. The problem is not merely Gandhi the Saint protecting Gandhi the Politician, but a more recent phenomenon — of safeguarding Gandhi the Capital Investment. Gandhi the Saint demands a life of utmost simplicity and service; Gandhi the Politician — now turned Capital Investment — has become a convenient conduit for acquiring wealth without limit and power without accountability. His saintliness is invoked only to shield venality and stifle debate.

A no less disturbing trend is the inquisitorial atmosphere that has come to prevail in India as regards Gandhi and his role in history. Any academic, journalist or even writer who raises doubts about him is likely face the wrath of powerful interests for ‘hurting the sentiments’ of people. In reality, it hurts only the prospects of politicians and a multitude of individuals and institutions that thrive in his name; there have been no protests by the people, but only of Congress party workers. As an example, a Marathi play based on the testimony of his assassin Godse was banned because it raised some questions about the ‘authorized’ version of Gandhi. The objection to the play came entirely from the Congress workers and not any ‘people’. It ran without incident for several weeks in Gandhi’s home state of Gujarat. Is Gandhi’s greatness so delicately poised that even the statement of his assassin is enough to topple it?
The present effort is intended to serve as a corrective in this stifling atmosphere. It seeks to initiate a fresh debate about Gandhi and his contributions by focusing on two areas in which his role has remained all but unchallenged over the past fifty years: nationalism and the freedom movement. In reexamining these, I have drawn my material from two little known sources — Gandhi and Anarchy by C. Sankaran Nair, and the three volume History of the Freedom Movement by R.C. Majumdar. The former is a contemporary account by a leading Congressman from an earlier generation, while the latter is a magisterial account by one of modern India’s greatest historians. It is a telling commentary on the intellectual and political climate in independent India that the Congress Government made a serious effort to suppress Majumdar’s great work; Majumdar himself in an Appendix gave an account of it. (Majumdar’s books are published by Firma KLM of Calcutta; Nair’s book is out of print.)
The present work makes no claims to being a scholarly study; it may in fact be seen as an extended summary of the two works cited above, especially Volume III of Majumdar’s trilogy. Several generations of Indians — including my own — have grown up on a diet of history that serves only the interests of a narrow clique. In addition, it ignores the enormous contribution made by the Swadeshi movement before Gandhi arrived on the scene — by leaders like Surendra Nath Bannerji, Bipin Chandra Pal, Lala Lajpat Rai, and, above all, Sri Aurobindo and Bal Gangadhar Tilak. It can be argued that this Swadeshi movement was the real national movement, and the Congress after the death of Tilak fell into the hands of careerists and opportunists who happened to reap the benefits of historical events — like World War II and its fallout. Even this they botched with timid policies and unprincipled compromises leading to the holocaust of the Partition and the Kashmir problem. This, even more than independence, is the legacy of the Congress Party; independence would probably have come, but lack of both vision and strength of purpose led to problems that have remained unresolved even after fifty years.

Subhas Bose’s contribution suppressed
Upon careful study of these sources one thing becomes quite plain: there has been a systematic campaign by successive Congress Governments to diminish Subhas Bose and his contribution to Indian independence. Two examples should suffice. When Indira Gandhi was Prime Minister, all copies of a film on Bose prepared under Sardar Patel were confiscated and destroyed. In addition, the film ‘Subhas Chandra Bose’, with the renowned actor Abhi Bhattacharya in the lead role, was banned by the Government during the emergency. (Earlier, Nehru’s Government had forbidden display of Subhas Bose’s photographs in all offices of the defense establishment. Happily this is no longer true.)
Bose’s contribution, however, cannot permanently be ignored. After supplying some startling evidence, in the second edition of Volume III of his work, Majumdar observed:

It seldom falls to the lot of a historian to have his views, differing radically from those generally accepted without demur, confirmed by such an unimpeachable authority. As far back as 1948 I wrote in an article that the contribution made by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose towards the achievement of freedom in 1947 was no less, and perhaps, far more important than that of Mahatma Gandhi…"

The ‘unimpeachable authority’ he cited happened to be Clement Attlee, the Prime Minister of Britain at the time of India’s independence. (This is discussed in Part II.) This will no doubt come as a shock to most Indians brought up to believe that the Congress movement driven by the ‘spiritual force’ of Mahatma Gandhi forced the British to leave India. But both evidence and the logic of history are against this beautiful but childish fantasy; it was the fear of mutiny by the Indian armed forces — and not any ‘spiritual force’ — that forced the issue of freedom.
(Also, if Gandhi’s ‘spiritual force’ really brought independence from the British, it would tend to make the British rulers a lot more spiritual than what history tells us. For example, there were no ‘spiritual’ considerations when King Henry VIII broke from Church of Rome; nor any in evidence in the recent problems afflicting the English royal family or relationships with Ireland. The British seem to a singularly unspiritual race.)

Lessons of history
This reexamination of history holds important lessons for the future. First, spiritual principles, no matter how noble, are usually helpless in dealing with a ruthless adversary. But a dogmatic belief in the efficacy and effectiveness of such a principle invariably leads to self-delusion and results in misery for its believers. In the Khilafat for example, had Gandhi frankly told his followers and the Government that he would do his best to keep his movement nonviolent, but could not promise that it would remain so, he would have put people on guard, and the scale of the tragedy might have been reduced. Instead he refused accept failure or responsibility and kept insisting that the Government suspend all activities against the Mopla rebels as they went on their destructive spree.
An objective analysis of history shows also the failure of nonviolence as a political tactic. There are times when violent methods have to be used to counter violence. There is a famous Sanskrit line: ahimsa paramo dharmah, dharma himsa tathaiva ca — "Non-violence is the highest principle, and so is violence in defense of the righteous." Pacifists are fond of quoting only the first part. Its real meaning is that in order to establish peace one should be prepared use force to defend dharma. Mindless attachment to pacifism inflicts untold suffering on the innocent, while sheltering cowards and opportunists — as with the Congress Party today. Recognizing this, John Stuart Mill wrote long ago:

War is an ugly thing, but it is not the ugliest of things. The ugliest is that man who holding that nothing is worth defending or worth fighting for would let better men than himself protect him.

And Sri Aurobindo said:

The sword of the warrior is as necessary to the fulfillment of justice as the holiness of the saint. To maintain justice and to prevent the strong from despoiling, and weak from being oppressed is the function for which the Kshatriya was created. Therefore, says Krishna in the Mahabharata, God created battle and armor, the sword, the bow and the dagger.

Votaries of pacifism do not wish to face this truth, for it demands too much of them. But innocent people who trust their leaders to protect them are made to pay the price. This has been the tragedy of India under its supposedly pacific leaders.

Gandhi’s greatness
Since some of the things I have to say in these essays are bound to raise the ire of many Indian (and non-Indian) admirers of Mahatma Gandhi, I should perhaps make my own position clear. I regard Gandhi as a great man, but not a constructive political leader, much less a statesman. I see him as a crusader after causes with no consistent vision embodying either nationalism or national policy. I see his career as a succession of crusades in causes that were sometimes totally unworthy — like the Khilafat. On the other hand, important causes like the Swaraj in 1920 and the national movement in 1932 were abandoned on a personal whim, leaving his followers in the lurch. Above all he embodies for me two viewpoints that have done immense harm in the world, especially India — theocracy and moral relativism.
His ‘saintliness’ was an anachronism — a medieval idea mixing religion and politics. Unlike Sri Aurobindo, who left politics to pursue a spiritual life, Gandhi remained a politician to the last. His saintliness often magnified the sufferings of the innocent while absolving the aggressors of any accountability or even guilt. His moral relativism manifested itself in the slogan of sarva dharma samabhava, which could be, and was, used to equate evil and good — the murderer and the victim. Going by this measure, as an extreme case, Gandhi and Godse were morally equivalent for each being true to his own dharma. As we shall see later, this was the principle applied by Gandhi himself during the Mopla Rebellion, and also in defending the behavior of the Ali brothers when they invited the Amir of Afghanistan to invade India in defense of Islam. This is hardly consistent with a vision of nationalism.
Gandhi’s real greatness lies outside politics — in social work and the inspiration he provided in the fight against oppression worldwide. And it was no small achievement. From Martin Luther King to Nelson Mandela, every leader fighting oppression and injustice has drawn his inspiration from Gandhi. If we take away his contribution as a political leader, Mahatma Gandhi loses nothing in greatness. If anything he gains considerably. Gandhi the Man was much greater than Gandhi the Politician but the latter represents a much more valuable asset to those exploiting his name. (Gandhi the Man demands also a great deal from his followers in the form of simplicity and service, and promises little reward.) And that is India’s tragedy.
More fundamentally, it is important that Indian thinkers outgrow the habit of uncritical acceptance of the ideas of someone simply because he is considered ‘great’. The ideas and actions of everyone must be judged on their own merits — not against the background of his real or imagined greatness. As Karl Popper said: "If our civilization is to survive, we must break with the habit of deference to great men. Great men make great mistakes"
And this applies to Gandhi no less than it does to Lord Rama, Gautama Buddha, Jesus Christ, Prophet Muhammad — and to every man and woman that ever lived. I will be more than satisfied if the present work leads to some reexamination of the history of the period dominated by Mahatma Gandhi.

I have included three Appendixes, the first two relating to the Mopla Rebellion, and the third on the treachery of the Communists during the freedom struggle. My goal in these is to highlight important facets of history that have been whitewashed by politically motivated scholars to serve their own interests.

Acknowledgements
Germination of the idea leading to this work, I owe to S.R. Ramaswamy who brought Nair’s important work to my attention and also provided me with a typed copy of this hard to obtain book. My friends Michel Danino and Patrice Marot of Institut de Recherches Évolutes of Paris and Mira Aditi Centre of Mysore generously sent me copies of Majumdar’s books which have just been reissued. To all these I express my gratitude. But I alone am responsible for the views expressed in these articles.

Copying
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That most potential and poisonous serpent which partitioned Bharatbarsha

from bijan ghosh <adv.bijan.ghosh@gmail.com> date 5 March 2009 14:44 subject india
New Lawyers Chambers Supreme Court Buildings New Delhi 110 001011

Pre-pole Alliance , 2009
As of today, the strength & stability of Union Government , thus the fate of the Nation is very much dependent upon the regional and/or small parties, even an individual. Union Govt. with 2/3rd majority – is now only a matter of day-dream or history. More is the strength of regional parties, less is the strength of Central Government. Birth of more and more small parties and more growth of regional parties – would obviously contribute in one way or other , towards the disintegration of the country. Fractured verdict would obviously fracture the fate of the Nation – the psychic of the electoral role must understand this reality, going beyond political sentiment and attachment.
0n 03.03.09 , Deva Gowda announced of an alliance of eight parties – the much waited Third-Front , to be launched on 12.03.09 at Karnataka : CPI , CPM, FB (Forward Block), RPI , TDR, TDP , JD(S) , AIADMK. ( May be, the combination would be changed ).
Third-front has become a potential reality of 2009 – more so, because of PRP – the new party launched by silver hero , Chiranjeebi. He declared that his party will not go for any pre-pole alliance, and no post-pole alliance either with NDA or UPA. So he is insisting for the third-front only – his axis may be , the strong block of Mayabati.

Chiranjeebi belongs to kapu cast – population in AP about 40% - till now there was no such representation of kapu cast in politics – whereas reddy & other upper casts , used to have all the power and wealth sharing while they are having only about 4% population in AP. ( Kamma is the other strong backward agricultural casts, sifting to PRP). So PRP may get about 15 seats in AP, and obviously then AP shall be the determinant factor for the shape and formation of Central Ministry, and otherwise also.
Jyoti Basu said to press that if there is an alliance with Congress and Trinomul ( TMC ) – his party would face a serious problem , also indicated that in that event TMC may get more than 12 seats. This is not the political prediction but a threat upon Congress, for not to go in alliance with TMC , and if required CPM would , as usual, give support from outside. And there is no Constitutional law – which prohibits a party to support another party-camp , in post-pole situation , going just opposite and taking an U tern. Who fought each other teeth & nail in election – may be bhai-bhai after election , this is the political truth preached in Indian Constitution and practiced by , "We , the People" .
Congress would not go for any alliance with TMC, but would care for CMP to use as a timely-stepny at hour of need. This is an established chemistry , may be of decades old.

One may disagree – but there are truth in these words that Advanian hinduism followed by demolition of babri structure – are the re-discovery of that most potential and poisonous serpent which partitioned Bharatbarsha.
Time has come for introspection by them who owe allegiance to Advanian hindusim, and pondering by political population, that what the country has achieved till date by destabilising the settled communal harmony of this country by hurting the sentiment of a community – and more so , in this sub-continent, where helpless hindus have been suffering continuously since Dec 1992 in the name of retaliations. Thousands of temples have been reduced into dust for one babri demolition and till now, so called Ram Mandir could not be built up – though BJP lead Govt. ruled the country for some years.
Though Third front has become a reality with Mayabati or Deva or Sarad or someone as the PM – but in this crisis period of world economy – it would be a dangerous dare-devil fancy to hand over governance of the Country to a team of all new players having no political bondage of assured permanency, mutual allegiance in the true sense of the term and commonality of alliance. They are committed to politics not to people.
Of course this is not a political campaign for or against any political party or front - but reality propelled me to speak to you. Think and think, if I am wrong, correct me.
bijan ghosh

TOI estimate: UPA ahead, but only just Times of India
ELECTION EYE - Poll puts Congress alliance ahead Reuters India

To translate the abstract, the intangible, the non-corporeal--the spiritual, if you will--into reality

THE NEO-MARXIST'S MODUS OPERANDI: REDISTRIBUTE THE WEALTH AND ENSLAVE THE HUMAN MIND from Dr. Sanity by Dr. Sanity

The entire history of humanity has been driven by those individuals who have the unique ability to make the non-material real; to create wealth out of nothing but ideas. And, while those productive people have definitely benefited materially from their creations; the side effect has been that all of humanity has also benefited. In fact, this transformation of abstract concepts into material goods; of the spiritual into the physical--has been largely responsible for mankind's evolution from caves to modern cities and civilization.

Modern-day Marxists (or, neo-Marxist fascists as I often refer to them) and all their totalitarian cousins (including the environmental fascists and the smiley-faced bureaucrats who think they can spend your money better than you can) would have you believe in typically contradictory postmodern style that:

1. wealth is created off the backs of the poor, suffering underclass by the always oppressive and exploiting upper classes; and
2. wealth and consumerism are very very bad because they devastate the environment and destroy the planet.

In the first instance, wealth is considered something good that is being stolen from its rightful owners by the evil capitalists; and in the second instance, the very act of creating wealth and consuming it is bad and inevitably mucks up the planet. What unites the two contradictory positions is the underlying desire of both camps to control and enslave the human mind and spirit.

The creation of wealth is only dependent on human thought, human ingenuity, and human desire (all non-material, yet important components of spirituality and mental development); and these are the foundations of the material progress you see all around you in the United States. When those non-material components of human existence are extrapolated to the real world, the results are the goods and services that overflow in abundance in economically free societies.

• By appreciating those goods and services, we pay homage to the human mind.
• By purchasing those goods and services, we honor human creativity as we pursue that which we value and which gives our lives meaning.
• By enjoying the material things that make my life easier and more enjoyable, we are celebrating the human spirit.
• By means of materialism --pursuing wealth, money and objects--free people happily provide the means by which many humans can benefit from the imagination of one. In other words, we contribute to the advancement of humanity from poverty to wealth; from homelessness to shelter; from hunger to satiety.
• By embracing materialism and honoring the human mind, we are embracing the the highest spiritual and mental development of humanity.

The reason to enjoy and appreciate all those materialistic "things" is because they are human thought made visible. When we give "objects" to people we love those objects become concrete expressions of our love. And, as physical beings living in a physical world, it is a function of our essential nature to translate the abstract, the intangible, the non-corporeal--the spiritual, if you will--into reality.

What those who constantly lecture us about the "shallowness" of pursuing material things forget--as they busily attempt to limit our ability to create, let alone pursue them--is that human freedom is inextricably bound up in that "shallow" pursuit. In fact, next time you enter a store and see the incredible variety of wonders for sale--no matter how silly or trivial or "non-essential" they may be--remember that every single one of them is a concrete expression of a human mind. Every time you buy one of those goods (interesting name for material things, no?), you are celebrating the freedom of that mind.

So, the next time you hear the political left and other neo-Marxist thugs and nannies talk about the necessity of "redistributing" wealth, remember that what they are talking about is nothing less than the enslavement of the human mind and spirit.

Feb 27, 2009 Counter-cyclical asset of the day: Atlas Shrugged
from Marginal Revolution by Alex Tabarrok
Sales of Ayn Rand’s “Atlas Shrugged” have almost tripled over the first seven weeks of this year compared with sales for the same period in 2008. This continues a strong trend after bookstore sales reached an all-time annual high in 2008 of about 200,000 copies sold. Hat tip to Newmark's Door.

Keeping impersonal and personal spheres of social life separate

The political economy of urbanization in contemporary Africa
from The Memory Bank by keith

The moral economy of capitalist societies is based on the attempt to keep impersonal and personal spheres of social life separate (Hart 2005). The establishment of a formal public sphere entailed creating another one based on domestic privacy. The two constitute complementary halves of a single whole. Most people divide themselves every day between production and consumption, paid and unpaid work, submission to impersonal rules in the office and the free play of personality at home. Money links the two sides; their interaction is an endless process of separation and integration, division. The division of the sexes into male and female is the master metaphor for this dialectic of complementary unity.

For any rule to be translated into human action, something else must be brought into play, such as personal judgment. Informality is built into bureaucratic forms as unspecified content. Viable solutions to administrative problems always contain processes invisible to the formal order. For example, workers sometimes engage in a “work-to-rule”. They follow their job descriptions to the letter without any of the informal practices that allow these abstractions to function. Everything grinds to a halt. Or take a chain of commodities from production by a transnational corporation to final consumption in Africa. At several points, from the factories to the docks to the supermarkets and on the street, invisible actors fill gaps the bureaucracy cannot handle directly. Informal processes are indispensable to the trade.

Of course, some activities break the law, through a breach of health and safety regulations, tax evasion, smuggling, the use of child labour, selling without a license and so on. The third way that informal activities relate to formal organization is as its negation. Rule-breaking takes place both within bureaucracy and outside it; and so the informal is often illegal. This compromises attempts to promote the informal sector as a legitimate economic sphere, since it is hard to draw a line between colourful women selling oranges on the street and the gangsters (not to mention policemen!) who exact tribute from them. When the rule of law is weak, the forms that emerge in its place are often criminal in character.

The fourth category is not so obviously related to the formal order as the rest. Some informal activities exist in parallel, as residue. They are separate from bureaucracy. It would be stretching the logic of the formal/informal pair to include peasant economy, housework and so on within the rubric of “informality”. Yet the social forms endemic to these often shape informal economic practices and vice versa. Is society just one thing – one state with its rule of law – or can it tolerate legal pluralism, leaving some institutions to their own devices? European empires, faced with scarce administrative resources, once turned to “indirect rule” as a way of incorporating subject peoples into their systems of government on a semi-autonomous basis (Mamdani 1996). Supervision of indigenous customary forms was delegated to appointed chiefs and headmen, reserving the key levers of power to the colonial regime. Anthropologists played their part in this (Asad 1973). Any serious attempt to link formal and informal economies today would require a similar openness to plural forms.

Comparative insight into the works and ideas of Abraham Isaac Kook and Sri Aurobindo

Mainstream, Vol XLVII No 11, February 28, 2009 Apt Addition to Discourse on Religious Diversity
by Amna Mirza, 2 March 2009 Home page BOOK REVIEW
Inter-Religious Communication—A Gandhian Perspective by Margaret Chatterjee; Promillla & Co. Publishers, New Delhi; 2009; pages 200; price: Rs 425.

Religion in India is a realm where diversity clashes with faith and belief. A society exists when humans interact with each other for coexistence. The state is that realm with authority and regu-lation is sanctioned based on our consent. In this domain, religion is, first of all, a matter of personal belief, and then understood at its realm of operation within the larger society.
The Indian Constitution guarantees freedom of religion, the right to freely preach, propagate, religion, as a fundamental right. The state cannot favour any religion nor discriminate against any religion. The country, which is home to more than a billion people, breeds heterogeneity and this in turn leads to the problematique of accommodation, co-existence and toleration in the interplay of operation of various religious views.
Within this framework, an apt addition to the philosophical discourse on religious diversity in India comes from the work by Margaret Chatterjee. She gives it a definite parameter by placing it under the Gandhian perspective. The book and its ideas have been judiciously spread over eight chapters to let us have a step-by-step under-standing leading to the larger conceptual grasp of ideas.

Religion in present times has become the thorny divide to cultivate the concept of Us versus Them. Communication needs a language, the diversity and highly volatile nature of faith adds to complexity in inter-religious communication. An inherent idea of the Frankfurt School’s Critical Theory comes across in her work which calls for an unhindered dialogue to understand the religious faiths of others so as to sow the seeds of an open society.
Chapter 2 gives an elaborate picture of religious pluralism and how different thinkers— Raja Rammohun Roy, Bipin Chandra Pal, Gandhi—dealt with it in trying to uplift the society and politics in India. In the chapter ‘Religious Pluralism and the House of Islam’, she upholds a teleological idea in the Gandhian tenor that all religions point to as also the faith towards an omnipotent being, which would shun non-violence, spread peace, benevolence. The broad agenda of Sufism, the idea of a formless Allah in Islam, the theme of Unity form part of good reading.
♦
A comprehensive deliberative discourse is forced in the chapter ‘Do we need authority in Religious Life?’, where she invokes Hegel calling for authority based on morals, Bentham calling for utilitarian calculus. The idea of authority to manage and guide diversity aimed at promoting common good without fear or favour is her stand. This again would be a polemical realm based on what perspective we adhere to. Some may look upon it as a neo-Rousseuvian idea of coercion in the realm (religious here) to guide us towards maintaining freedom in the right spirit whereas others would find it smacking of something that leads to a slippery slope whereby the funda-mentalists would have a free play for moral policing.
The other chapters on Religious Language (Chapter 4) and Spirituality (Chapter 5) carve out a much wider picture of these concepts relegated not to ‘Almighty-talk’, but as embedded in poetry, images, music, dance, amongst others.

The book ends with a subtle message giving a glimpse of her scholarly approach towards the subject: she offers comparative insight into the works and ideas of Abraham Isaac Kook and Sri Aurobindo. They entrapped sources of learning from different cultural milieu and projected the need for integration for purification of our everyday sins by juxtaposing against everyday reality.
To conclude, a vast canvas is covered, though lucidly yet in detail. It sets the tone for more challenging debates as to how the Gandhian jargon of ‘Ram Rajya’ has been a cause for firing up the communal fangs when the nationalist struggle was on. Issues like trade-off between common law in a democratic polity and the tampering of diversity are certain other areas which also call for a thought. The reviewer is doing her M.Phil in Political Science in the University of Delhi.

Forcing others to live lives more spartan and puritan

Paper Moon (by Don Boudreaux) from Cafe Hayek by Don Boudreaux
That the modern environmental movement is infected with a huge dollop of puritanism -- with a large number of persons who itch to force others to live lives more spartan and less enjoyable -- needs no further proof than this "report" appearing on the front-page of yesterday's New York Times.

It's ironic, is it not, that this report appears in a newspaper?
Here's the letter that I sent earlier today to the New York Times.

Some may view money as a curse. Not The Mother

Editorial from Sri Aurobindo Society, Singapore
What about money in an individual’s life?

It is this material, money, that fetches food for survival, clothing and shelter, the basic needs of life. It is money that guarantees that little pleasures are taken care of, the little extras of vanity, that little extra that makes one look fashionable, the little bit more of that special bite, that little bit more of convenience to rest our limbs, that little more of comfort and coziness, whichever niche of the world we occupy, even if momentarily.

It does not take long to realise that money and the fulfillment of desires are close cousins. The very invitation to think about what money may mean to one, is troubling. It may be troubling because something within resists a revamp of the structure that one has built with money and all the comforts it has helped one to build around oneself.

Money is generally viewed as a material. However, there is an alternate way of viewing our relationship with money. The Mother suggests that money is also a “force” with power behind it, power to make and break, to build and destroy. This then depends on the wielder of this instrument called money.

• Who is he who is given the use of money ?
• What drives his motivations, what is his highest need in life?

These will determine how he uses this force, money. We are troubled over the money world of current times, the way it has wound itself into a destructive tension or unwound itself into disarray and breakdown. But how could we have motivated, fueled this chaos (at least as it stands to date) in the money market, with our sets of values on what is important to us?

Some may view money as a curse. Not The Mother. She says that money can become a blessing instead of the curse it now appears to be in many ways. We are left to fathom the knots and tangles and to find a connectedness, between our seemingly unending impulses of desire, their somewhat partial fulfillment and the vehement cry for more and also the real possibility of transcending this state of affairs into freedom from the clutches of this power and to use it in that freedom instead, far removed from personal, narrow, short-sighted gains.

This, one is invited to do without going far; by taking a dive deep down, discovering and recognising first the knots and tangles and then the prime need of one’s life and after that, inquiring into the possible snowball effects of our money moves in every corner of the earth.

Local leaders have searched for new anchors to ground their social identities and political loyalties

Religious Nationalism and Transnationalism in a Global World
Mark Juergensmeyer University of California, Santa Barbara Science, Culture and Integral Yoga on Sat 10 Jan 2009 09:56 AM PST Permanent Link

Ethnicity and religion to the rescue of nationalism
In the contemporary political climate, therefore, religious and ethnic nationalism provides a solution to the problem of secular politics and global control in a multicultural world. As secular ties have begun to unravel in the post-Soviet and post-colonial era, local leaders have searched for new anchors to ground their social identities and political loyalties. Many have turned to ethnicity and religion. What is ideologically significant about these ethno-religious movements is their creativity. Although many of the framers of the new nationalisms have reached back in history for ancient images and concepts that will give them credibility, theirs are not simply efforts to resuscitate old ideas from the past. These are contemporary ideologies that meet present-day social and political needs.
In the modern context this is a revolutionary notion—that indigenous culture can provide the basis for new political institutions, including resuscitated forms of the nation-state. Movements that support ethno-religious nationalism are, therefore, often confrontational and sometimes violent. They reject the intervention of outsiders and their ideologies and, at the risk of being intolerant, pander to their indigenous cultural bases and enforce traditional social boundaries. It is no surprise, then, that they get into trouble with each other and with defenders of the secular state. Yet even such conflicts with secular modernity serve a purpose for the movements: it helps define who they are as a people and who they are not. They are not, for instance, secularists.

Since secularism is often targeted as the enemy, that enemy is most easily symbolized by things American. America has taken the brunt of religious and ethnic terrorist attacks in recent years, in part because it so aptly symbolizes the transnational secularism that the religious and ethnic nationalists loathe, and in part because America does indeed promote transnational and secular values. For instance, America has a vested economic and political interest in shoring up the stability of regimes around the world. This often puts the United States in the position of being a defender of secular governments. Moreover, the United States supports a globalized economy and a modern culture. In a world where villagers in remote corners of the world increasingly have access to MTV, Hollywood movies, and the internet, the images and values that have been projected globally have often been American.
So it is understandable that America would be disdained. What is perplexing to many Americans is why their country would be so severely hated, even caricatured. The demonization of America by many ethno-religious groups fits into a process of delegitimizing secular authority that involves the appropriation of traditional religious images, especially the notion of cosmic war. In such scenarios, competing ethnic and religious groups become foes and scapegoats, and the secular state becomes religion's enemy. Such satanization is aimed at reducing the power of one's opponents and discrediting them. By humiliating them--by making them subhuman--ethno-religious groups assert the superiority of their own moral power.

The future of religious and ethnic politics in a global world
Emerging movements of ethnic and religious politics are therefore ambivalent about globalization. To the extent that they are nationalistic they often oppose the global reach of world government, at least in its secular form. But the more visionary of these movements also at times have their own transnational dimensions, and some dream of world domination shaped in their own ideological images. For this reason one can project at least three different futures for religious and ethnic nationalism in a global world: one where religious and ethnic politics ignore globalization, another where they rail against it, and yet another where they envision their own transnational futures.

Non-globalization: new ethic and religious states
The goal of some ethnic and religious activists is the revival of a nation-state that avoids the effects of globalization. Right-wing movements in Europe and the United States that reject regional and international alliances usually imagine that their nations could return to a self-sufficient economic and political order that would not rely on global networks and transnational associations.
Where new religious states have emerged, they have tended to be isolationist. In Iran, for instance, the ideology of Islamic nationalism that emerged during and after the 1979 revolution, and that was propounded by the Ayatollah Khomeini and his political theoretician, Ali Shari'ati, was intensely parochial. It was not until some twenty years later that new movements of moderate Islamic politics encouraged its leaders to move out of their self-imposed international isolation (Wright 2000). The religious politics of Afghanistan during the reign of the Taliban was even more strongly isolationist. Led by members of the Pathan ethnic community who were former students of Islamic schools, the religious revolutionaries of the Taliban established a self-contained autocratic state with strict adherence to traditional Islamic codes of behavior (Marsden 1998). Yet religious politics need not be isolationist.

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Not to confuse human rights, with the rights that human beings have

Nicholas Wolterstorff: February 24th, 2009 at 5:41 pm

Just one point of response to Kevin den Dulk’s generally very accurate and perceptive comments. It is not my view that all natural rights “inhere in the worth bestowed on human beings by [God's] love.” I am of the view that that is true for all those natural rights that are human rights.

But it is far from the case that all natural rights are human rights. A human right is such that all one needs, to possess the right, is to be a human being. But for many natural rights, one has to be something much more specific than that. Children, for example, have natural rights that adults do not have, and conversely. It is important here not to confuse human rights, with the rights that human beings have. Only a few of the rights that human beings have are human rights.

I find that a good many readers misunderstand me on this point; I conclude that it is something that I did not make sufficiently clear, even though I think my terminology is very standard. The Immanent Frame 5:56 PM 6:47 PM

European Union is getting more centralized as well as protectionist every day

Thoughts On "Market Day" from ANTIDOTE by Sauvik

We are fortunate that today we also have access to a speech by Vaclav Havel, president of the Czech Republic, at the European parliament. As a representative of a nation that suffered greatly under communist rule, Havel emphasizes the concerns his countrymen have over a European Union that is getting more centralized as well as protectionist every day. Havel says that the EU should have just two functions: one, removing barriers to trade; and two, public goods that cannot be provided for by member nations acting alone or jointly. He deplores the fact that the EU is headed in the opposite direction. He says:

“… the present economic system of the EU is a system of a suppressed market, a system of a permanently strengthening centrally controlled economy.”

He also deplores the protectionism that is rife in the EU. He finds it hilarious that the EU has imposed a 66% import duty on candles from China. It is as if Bastiat’s Candlemakers’ Petition has become reality. Do read the full speech here. This is the kind of politics we need in India. We too should put communism and socialism firmly behind us.

19.2.2009 - ENGLISH PAGES
Speech of the President of the Czech Republic Václav Klaus in the European Parliament [...] the methods and forms of European integration do, on the contrary, have quite a number of possible and legitimate variants, just as they proved to have in the last half century. There is no end of history. Claiming that the status quo, the present institutional form of the EU, is a forever uncriticizable dogma, is a mistake that has been – unfortunately – rapidly spreading, even though it is in direct contradiction not only with rational thinking, but also with the whole two-thousand-year history of European civilization. The same mistake applies to the a priori postulated, and therefore equally uncriticizable, assumption that there is only one possible and correct future of the European integration, which is the “ever-closer Union”, i.e. advancement towards deeper and deeper political integration of the member countries.Neither the present status quo, nor the assumption that the permanent deepening of the integration is a blessing, is – or should be – a dogma for any European democrat. The enforcement of these notions by those, who consider themselves – to use the phrase of the famous Czech writer Milan Kundera – “the owners of the keys” to European integration, is unacceptable.

Moreover, it is self evident, that one or another institutional arrangement of the European Union is not an objective in itself; but a tool for achieving the real objectives. These are nothing but human freedom and such economic system that would bring prosperity. That system is a market economy.

This would certainly be the wish of the citizens of all member countries. Yet, over the twenty years since the fall of communism, I have been repeatedly witnessing that the feelings and fears are stronger among those who spent a great part of the 20th century without freedom and struggled under a dysfunctional centrally planned and state-administered economy. It is no surprise that these people are more sensitive and responsive to any phenomena and tendencies leading in other directions than towards freedom and prosperity. The citizens of the Czech Republic are among those I’m talking about.

The present decision making system of the European Union is different from a classic parliamentary democracy, tested and proven by history. In a normal parliamentary system, part of the MPs support the government and part support the opposition. In the European parliament, this arrangement has been missing. Here, only one single alternative is being promoted and those who dare thinking about a different option are labelled as enemies of the European integration. Not so long ago, in our part of Europe we lived in a political system that permitted no alternatives and therefore also no parliamentary opposition. It was through this experience that we learned the bitter lesson that with no opposition, there is no freedom. That is why political alternatives must exist.

And not only that. The relationship between a citizen of one or another member state and a representative of the Union is not a standard relationship between a voter and a politician, representing him or her. There is also a great distance (not only in a geographical sense) between citizens and Union representatives, which is much greater than it is the case inside the member countries. This distance is often described as the democratic deficit, the loss of democratic accountability, the decision making of the unelected – but selected – ones, as bureaucratisation of decision making etc. The proposals to change the current state of affairs – included in the rejected European Constitution or in the not much different Lisbon Treaty – would make this defect even worse.

Since there is no European demos – and no European nation – this defect cannot be solved by strengthening the role of the European parliament either. This would, on the contrary, make the problem worse and lead to an even greater alienation between the citizens of the European countries and Union institutions. The solution will be neither to add fuel to the “melting pot” of the present type of European integration, nor to suppress the role of member states in the name of a new multicultural and multinational European civil society. These are attempts that have failed every time in the past, because they did not reflect the spontaneous historical development.

I fear that the attempts to speed up and deepen integration and to move decisions about the lives of the citizens of the member countries up to the European level can have effects that will endanger all the positive things achieved in Europe in the last half a century. Let us not underestimate the fears of the citizens of many member countries, who are afraid, that their problems are again decided elsewhere and without them, and that their ability to influence these decisions is very limited. So far, the European Union has been successful, partly thanks to the fact that the vote of each member country had the same weight and thus could not be ignored. Let us not allow a situation where the citizens of member countries would live their lives with a resigned feeling that the EU project is not their own; that it is developing differently than they would wish, that they are only forced to accept it. We would very easily and very soon slip back to the times that we hoped belonged to history.

This is closely connected with the question of prosperity. We must say openly that the present economic system of the EU is a system of a suppressed market, a system of a permanently strengthening centrally controlled economy. Although history has more than clearly proven that this is a dead end, we find ourselves walking the same path once again. This results in a constant rise in both the extent of government masterminding and constraining of spontaneity of the market processes. In recent months, this trend has been further reinforced by incorrect interpretation of the causes of the present economic and financial crisis, as if it was caused by free market, while in reality it is just the contrary – caused by political manipulation of the market. It is again necessary to point out to the historical experience of our part of Europe and to the lessons we learned from it.

Many of you certainly know the name of the French economist Frederic Bastiat and his famous Petition of the Candlemakers, which has become a well-known and canonical reading, illustrating the absurdity of political interventions in the economy. On 14 November 2008 the European Commission approved a real, not a fictitious Bastiat’s Petition of the Candlemakers, and imposed a 66% tariff on candles imported from China. I would have never believed that a 160-year-old essay could become a reality, but it has happened. An inevitable effect of the extensive implementation of such measures in Europe is economic slowdown, if not a complete halt of economic growth. The only solution is liberalisation and deregulation of the European economy.

I say all of this because I do feel a strong responsibility for the democratic and prosperous future of Europe. I have been trying to remind you of the elementary principles upon which European civilisation has been based for centuries or even millennia; principles, the validity of which is not affected by time, principles that are universal and should be therefore followed even in the present European Union. I am convinced that the citizens of individual member countries do want freedom, democracy and economic prosperity.

At this moment in time, the most important task is to make sure that free discussion about these problems is not silenced as an attack on the very idea of European integration. We have always believed that being allowed to discuss such serious issues, being heard, defending everyone’s right to present a different than “the only correct opinion” – no matter how much we may disagree with it – is at the very core of the democracy we were denied for over four decades. We, who went through the involuntary experience that taught us that a free exchange of opinions and ideas is the basic condition for a healthy democracy, do hope, that this condition will be met and respected also in the future. This is the opportunity and the only method for making the European Union more free, more democratic and more prosperous. Václav Klaus, European Parliament, Brussels, 19 February 2009 [12:35 PM]

Many of these cultures have roots that pre-date western leadership models

Salsa, Soul, and Spirit: Leadership for a Multicultural Age (Paperback) by Juana Bordas (Author)

Editorial Reviews
Product Description As the world becomes flatter and globalization creates a world village, it is imperative that leaders have the cultural flexibility and adaptability to inspire and guide people from very distinct backgrounds that represents the whole rainbow of humanity. Salsa, Soul and Spirit: Leadership for a Multicultural Nation puts forth a multicultural leadership model that integrates eight practices from African American, Indian and Latino communities. Using principles such as ?Sankofa ? the ability to learn from the past?, ?I to We ? From Individualism to collective identity?, and ? Mi casa es su casa ? Developing a generosity of spirit?, this model offers leaders new approaches that will increase their interpersonal effectiveness with diverse populations by incorporating the influences, practices and values of a variety of cultures in a respectful and productive manner.

From the Back Cover "Salsa, Soul, and Spirit shows us the importance of looking at other cultures for the wisdom of their leadership practices. Many of these cultures have roots that pre-date western leadership models and offer a rich fountain of knowledge that can enhance American leadership."--Ken Blanchard, coauthor of The One Minute Manager® and Leading at a Higher Level

"What a remarkable contribution Salsa, Soul, and Spirit makes to leaders in all three sectors as they work to provide rich diversity, powerful inclusion, and equal access within the organization and in society."--Frances Hesselbein, Chairman, Leader to Leader Institute and former CEO, Girls Scouts of America
"Bordas has taken the philosophy and spirit as espoused by Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights leaders and fashioned leadership principles that further the dream of an equal and just society." -- Ambassador Andrew Young, Civil Rights Leader, former Mayor of Atlanta, and Congressman from the Fifth Congressional District of Georgia
"This wonderful book made me want to dance with joy. In Western society, we suffer from a loss of community and spirit because we're so disconnected. American Indian, Latino, and African American cultures have never forgotten that we need to be together, and that diversity is not a problem, but a blessing. May this book lead you to discover what we've been missing--each other."--Margaret J. Wheatley, author of Leadership and the New Science
"Juana Bordas has broken new ground. She has documented and analyzed the effective and unique practices of Latino, Black, and American Indian leaders. Salsa, Soul, and Spirit is a fascinating read that shows us the road to leadership for a multicultural America."--John Echohawk, Pawnee, Executive Director, The Native American Rights Fund
"To be relevant--let alone thrive--in the 21st Century, business leaders need a new awareness of our interdependency and a new leadership paradigm like that described in Salsa, Soul, and Spirit." --Jack Lowe, Board Chair, TDIndustries
"The politics of inclusion is not just some politically correct idea. It's essential to the adaptability of any organization or society that must rely on new ideas and synthesis in a changing world. Juana Bordas has given us a first-hand inspirational primer, full of wisdom and insight, for anyone practicing leadership that challenges people to thrive anew."--Dr. Ron Heifetz, Cofounder, Center for Public Leadership at Harvard's John F. Kennedy School of Government
"Salsa, Soul, and Spirit is a refreshing and inspiring vision of a new form of leadership for the 21st Century. Bordas captures the unique but successful models of leadership developed by racial and ethnic minorities. Our nation would greatly benefit from leaders who embody these traits."-- Honorable Federico Pe?a, former Mayor of Denver, US Secretary of Transportation, and US Secretary of Energy
"A penetrating, highly personal study of American Indian, Black, and Latino leadership, presented in a manner that should attract a wide readership. A multicultural study at its best." --James MacGregor Burns, Pulitzer Prize-winning Presidential biographer and author of Leadership
"Frequently, people say it is too hard to have both excellence and diversity. Salsa, Soul, and Spirit shows not only why it doesn't have to be that hard, but also why it is critically important at this moment in history to develop organizational leadership that is both excellent and diverse. People need to read this book."--John Hickenlooper, Mayor of Denver
"Salsa, Soul, and Spirit is a compelling, vibrant, and engaging exploration of the deep roots of multicultural leadership. It will challenge your view on leadership. Bordas' personal journey to integrate her Hispanic culture into her own leadership witnesses the great benefits of blending cultures rather than assimilating them."--John Izzo, author of Awakening Corporate Soul and Value Shift
"Reflecting the traditions of Black, Latino, and Native American cultures, Salsa Soul, and Spirit fashions a leadership model based on community, generosity, and a commitment to work for the common good. These proven leadership practices that sustained communities of color for generations are a source of strength, hope, and wisdom which will guide us through the turbulence of the 21st century." --LaDonna Harris, Comanche, President and Founder, Americans for Indian Opportunity
"Salsa, Soul, and Spirit fills a necessary void in the study of leadership with its integration of the common elements of spiritual and programmatic leadership that are typical of minority approaches to social problems and which also builds the basis for coalition politics."--Dr. Ronald W. Walters, author of African American Leadership
"It is empowerment time in America--a time to live up to the basic values of equality and justice. Empowerment means closing the racial divide and opening the doors to leadership at all levels, so it represents our great and dynamic diversity. Salsa, Soul, and Spirit is a roadmap to guide us on this journey and invites us to work together to create an America that benefits from the beauty and potential of all its people." --Marc H. Morial, President and CEO, National Urban League and former Mayor of New Orleans
"Juana Bordas clearly understands that building an inclusive America requires leadership forms that respect and resonate with our growing diversity. Salsa, Soul, and Spirit provides an excellent roadmap that can transform and energize leadership into an authentic multicultural form that is truly representative of our great nation and it's unifying ideals." --Honorable Anna Escobedo Cabral, Treasurer of the United States
"Juana Bordas is one of our nation's most effective facilitators of Leadership Development. Salsa, Soul, and Spirit brings together her years of experience and insights. Her book is unique because it offers principles for leading in an increasingly diverse America. A must-read for those interested in becoming leaders of our multicultural society." --Raul Yzaguirre, President Emeritus, National Council of La Raza See all Editorial Reviews

Most Recent Customer Reviews

A MUST READ BOOK FOR ALL I was pleased with my recent Amazon book purchase. The book was priced much cheaper than if purchased in the book store. Read more
Published 4 months ago by Good Choice

Leading with great spirit! This book reflects the life experience of a woman of color who has shattered many glass ceilings and has paved the way for others to follow. Read more
Published 8 months ago by Belinda Conter

Leadership for a multicultural age Juana Bordas provides a fresh perspective on leadership by weaving the traditions of Latino, African American and Native American's together in her book. Read more
Published 8 months ago by Anna Alvarez Boyd

Get back to the real economy and create real wealth through enterprise, hard work and innovation

Home This is a community website for the well wishers of Sangh Parivar. The aim of Sangh Parivar is to take Bharat to the pinnacle of glory. Sangh Parivar Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam This website is independent of any Sangh Parivar organisations.
The Financial Meltdown and the Triune Crisis : An Integral Perspective
Column and Opinions Article By: O. P. Dani , Chairman, CAS Corporate Consultants Pvt Ltd., Noida and M.S. Srinivasan, Research Associate, Sri Aurobindo Society, Puducherry.

The casino culture has usurped honest economic enterprise which creates a real wealth for the society. Next to currency trading, the other form of casino is the trading in stocks, the Wall-Street culture of making money without ethics and effort and creating anything useful for the society. John M. Huntsman, chairman and founder of Huntsman Corporation, the world’s largest privately owned chemical company, writing on the Wall-street culture, states:

“There are many professions in which one can find examples of hollow values but nowhere is it more evident than on Wall Street where the ruling ethos seems to be more you deceive the other guy, the more money you make— Wall Street has but one objective and one value. How much money can be made?”7

This brings us to the true purpose of wealth or money. The main problem with the modern economy is that money, instead of being used for enriching the material and economic life of humanity, is being used for making more money through speculative transactions. This is a complete travesty of the true purpose of economics. As the Mother of Sri Aurobindo Ashram points out:

“Money is not meant to make money. The idea that money must make money is a falsehood and a perversion. Money is meant to increase the wealth; prosperity and the productiveness of a group, a country or better, the whole earth.”8

So the first step in resolving the crisis is to get back to the real economy and create an economic order which rewards production of real wealth through enterprise, hard work and innovation. As Juan Samavia, Director-General of International Labour Organization of UN points out:

“We have to come back to the basic legitimate function of finance which is to promote the real economy – to lend so that entrepreneurs can invest, innovate, produce jobs and products” and create “public policies and smart regulation that rewards hard work and enterprise once again.”

FREE-MARKET FUNDAMENTALISM We are now brought to the other major source of instability –the dogmatic and religious faith in the unregulated free market. The hard-core capitalistic thinking which puts a too heavy emphasis on “deregulation” and freedom from all control by the government or any other agency is one of the main causes of the present crisis.

Inspirational Speech by Shri Arabindo: 15th Aug 47
Column and Opinions If Old Age wasnt there We would have been 'Manupanzee
Articles By Shri V M Tiwari By Vishwa Mohan Tiwari, Air Vice Marshal (retd.)
Jaagore!!! Submitted by Vikas on Wed, 02/11/2009 - 21:49.
The contemporary Hindu predicament By Dr. Gautam Sen
Column and Opinions - Insight A Marxist leader evaluates his ideology—VII
Improve standard of English all Sangh supported schools in India. hindu_sthan
Anti-Hindu bias on Wikipedia (Appeal)

Spirituality and Organisational leadership: Can profit and ethics shake hands

Professor Walter Baets

Is accounting profit any different from destruction of societal value ?
Last week, we have been able to participate in a conference on Spirituality and Organisational leadership in Pondicherry, India. A very interesting gathering of management scholars and managers, that share the care for meaning in what they do. Of course the region is intriguing, since it is the land of Sri Aurobindo, and there is at least the Sri Aurobindo Ashram and Auroville that are very peacefull places, inviting for contemplation, and worth more than a visit.

The conference closed on a debate around the theme: Can profit and ethics shake hands. I had the pleasure to be invited to take part in the panel and learned that profit is probably understood differently in different managerial cultures. Referring to Gandhi, one of the panellists suggested that the purpose of business is to make as much profit as possible, in order to return it afterwards to society. We were clearly on two different concepts of profit, but fortunately on the same concepts of ethics and responsibility. February 18, 2009 Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)

Consciousness and Development
I would like to draw your attention to an electronic publication, made by an NGO, named Spanda, about Consciousness and Development. I am honoured to have been able to contribute to it, along with people like Peter Russell, Ervin Laszlo, Amit Goswami, Rupert Sheldrake, Sahlan Momo, Stanislav Grof, Charles Tart, Toru Sato, Steve McIntosh, Christian de Quincey, Riane Eisler and John Renesch. A precious New Year's gift that I am very pleased to offer you. December 27, 2008 Permalink Comments (2) TrackBack (0)

Principles for Responsible Management Education
Last week, on December 4 and 5, around 300 management educators (deans, directors, professors) met in the UN Headquarters in New York, for the First Global Forum for Responsible Management Education (PRiME). The principles themselves have been drafted by an Academic Task Force and handed to the Secretary General of the UN on the Global Compact Summit in July 2007 in Geneva.
This Forum, amongst others, was a continuation of an ongoing discussion amongst academics, on how the Global Compact Principles, already translated in the PRiME Principles, apply in Management Education. There were workgroups on Research, New Learning Methodologies, How to start, etc. I had the pleasure to present the results of the workgroup on New Learning Methodologies and I am happy to share with you the findings/suggestions. December 07, 2008 Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)

Complexity theory: where are we?
Last week I participated in the fourth Organization Studies Summer Workshop titled "Embracing Complexity: Advancing Ecological Understanding in Organization Studies", in Pissouri, Cyprus. If interested, I presented a paper titled: The ecology of management: Cassandra, a holistic diagnostic for sustainable performance. One of the keynote speakers was Frederick Turner, and he gave a wonderful overview of the state of the art of complexity, that I want to share with you.
Complexity gives a new view on causality. It re-introduces freedom, since the universe is not fully deterministic. Keep in mind that unpredictable does not mean unintelligent. Since freedom regains its importance in science, choice, intention and purpose become real issues. Choice might not be so mysterious as we have made it.
Feedback became the norm. Material qualities and abstract physical laws are consequences of feedback and not the other way round. Even based on positive feedback, complex systems can be very robust. Positive feedback is in no way less robust than negative feedback. Unpredictability is a matter of survival.
We have a new concept of time: time will not go away. Classical science has always made an attempt to rationalize away time. Time is irreducable and irreversible, which gives birth to emergence.
We have a new ontology of recognisable shapes. We have understanding of a new class of shapes: fractals, strange attractors, etc. (in between shapes, strange, entangled, but beautiful shapes). New shapes allow for new questions to be asked.
We have strange attractors instead of dualism. Function and purpose become central issues. The strange attractor (a fractal form) is an ideal form. New species are strange attractors. Are values to be considered something different than strange attractors?
Modelling, eventually, needs new tools, that go above and beyond observations, hypotheses, testing, etc. Non-linear dynamic modelling, or fractals, and the like allow to play around with the interactions and to see when and how we visualize reality. But we still have to learn how to use these tools.
Finally, Turner asked a few questions that I am glad to repeat:
What is the role of emotions in the new science (are they the drivers? are they strange attractors?)
What is the role of aesthetics?
Does promising makes determinism (or is it freedom?)
How does intention change the brainstructure?
All these facts and questions, management research has ignored asking for years. But more and more management researchers are concerned with understanding reality. June 09, 2008 in complexity and management Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)

A better business model
First of all an ode to "Ode". Ode is a very interesting, fresh and meaningfull magazine. According to his founder and editor, Jurriaan Kamp, a magazine for intelligent optimists. It believes in progress, ongoing opportunities and the creativity of humankind. February 09, 2008 in Social entrepreneurship Permalink Comments (2) TrackBack (0)

Leaders need Salsa
Not my words, but those of Juana Bordas (Salsa, Soul and Spirit). She gave an interview in my favourite Ode. March 01, 2008 in organisational metaphors Permalink Comments (0) TrackBack (0)

Ashoka is the global association of leading social entrepreneurs

Citizenbase: Innovators for the Public Invest in Ashoka CBI Strategies What is a Citizen Base?
Mobilize Community Generate Resources Market Effectively Build Partnerships Case Studies CBI Competition Winners Featured Cases Case Studies Archive Get Involved Invest in CBI Enter a Competition Join Our Team Newsletter Sign-up About Us Mission and Vision Our Approach Our Team About Ashoka Contact Us CBI Strategies What is a Citizen Base? Mobilize Community Generate Resources Market Effectively Build Partnerships Home » CBI Strategies Build Partnerships

Create a network of resources and support.
Strategic partnerships with corporations, governments and organizations translate into new types of resources and credibility for a citizen sector organization. Leveraging networks, connections, and the influential power of a partner can propel a social mission forward and entrench values into another organizational structure—not to mention create value for both constituents.

Many organizations are bridging the gap between the private and public sector by identifying a hybrid value chain and taking action. Learn how you can too. Click here to search for more organizations that leverage partnerships effectively. Home

About Ashoka
Ashoka is the global association of the world’s leading social entrepreneurs—men and women with system changing solutions for the world’s most urgent social problems. Since 1981, Ashoka has elected over 1,800 leading social entrepreneurs as Ashoka Fellows, providing them with living stipends, professional support, and access to a global network of peers in more than 60 countries.

In an effort to provide more resources to the Ashoka community and systemically change the sector, Ashoka created the Citizen Base Initiative (CBI) in 1997. Working in tandem with other Ashoka programs, CBI helps build the infrastructure for a vibrant citizen sector, led by social entrepreneurs. Click here to see how Ashoka is changing the sector infrastructure.

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Machiavelli, Tocqueville, Mussolini

Tocqueville on American Character: Why Tocqueville’s Brilliant Exploraton of the American Spirit is as Vital and Important Today as it was Nearly Two Hundred Years Ago by Michael Ledeen

Michael Ledeen takes a fresh look at Tocqueville’s insights into our national psyche and asks whether Americans’ national character, which Tocqueville believed to be wholly admirable, has fallen into moral decay and religious indifference.

Machiavelli on Modern Leadership: Why Machiavelli’s Iron Rules are as Timely and Important Today as Five Centuries Ago by Michael Ledeen

American Enterprise Institute resident scholar Ledeen offers an updated version of the rules for leadership laid down by Machiavelli. Its the nature of humans to do evil, and war is our natural state. Anyone who would wield power in such a setting, writes Ledeen, echoing Machiavelli, “must be prepared to fight at all times.” This is as true in business, sports, and politics as it is on the battlefield. Kirkus Reviews

Freedom Betrayed: How America led a Global Democratic Revolution, Won the Cold War and Walked Away by Michael Ledeen

With the skill of a born storyteller, Michael Ledeen weaves together key moments in the fall of communism. His insider’s knowledge of the interplay of complex personalities and Byzantine strategies makes a compelling narrative, one enlivened by his wry wit and flair for the dramatic.
In this call to embrace the worldwide democratic revolution, the author argues that global democracy should be the centerpiece of U.S. strategy.

Faster, Please! February 12th, 2009 1:38 pm We Are All Fascists Now Michael Ledeen

Second, not one person in a thousand knows what fascist political economy was. Yet during the great economic crisis of the 1930s, fascism was widely regarded as a possible solution, indeed as the only acceptable solution to a spasm that had shaken the entire First World, and beyond. It was hailed as a “third way” between two failed systems (communism and capitalism), retaining the best of each. Private property was preserved, as the role of the state was expanded. This was necessary because the Great Depression was defined as a crisis “of the system,” not just a glitch “in the system.”

And so Mussolini created the “Corporate State,” in which, in theory at least, the big national enterprises were entrusted to state ownership (or substantial state ownership) and of course state management. Some of the big “Corporations” lasted a very long time; indeed some have only very recently been privatized, and the state still holds important chunks–so-called “golden shares”–in some of them. Read More (125) Comments Pages: 12Next

February 14th, 2009 12:21 pm We’re All Fascists Now II: American Tyranny Michael Ledeen

Most of us imagine the transformation of a free society to a tyrannical state in Hollywood terms, as a melodramatic act of violence like a military coup or an armed insurrection. Tocqueville knows better. He foresees a slow death of freedom. The power of the centralized government will gradually expand, meddling in every area of our lives until, like a lobster in a slowly heated pot, we are cooked without ever realizing what has happened. The ultimate horror of Tocqueville’s vision is that we will welcome it, and even convince ourselves that we control it.

There is no single dramatic event in Tocqueville’s scenario, no storming of the Bastille, no assault on the Winter Palace, no March on Rome, no Kristallnacht. We are to be immobilized, Gulliver-like, by myriad rules and regulations, annoying little restrictions that become more and more binding until they eventually paralyze us.

3. Ran: Thanks Michael. The points you raise are frightening... One point you raised in Freedom Betrayed was that expanded Freedom - individual responsibility - gained by peoples in the 19th and 20th Centuries, especially after wars, but often by bloodless revolutions, was the surest road to peace and prosperity. It was an extension - if I’m reading it properly - of Tocqueville’s observation that the human condition had tended towards ‘Democracy’ in the Tocquevillian sense. What bothers me is that America and Europe both appear headed the wrong way in too many respects. We’ve fought wars to take down Fascists and dictators of all sorts only now to go cap-in-hand for cap-and-trade?